Excerpts from President Nixon's Speech on "Vietnamization,"
November 3, 1969
Good evening, my fellow Americans:
Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world the war in Vietnam.
I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless
they know the truth about that policy.
Tonight, therefore, I would like to
answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you
listening to me.
How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the
first place?
How has this administration changed the policy of the previous
administration?
What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and on
the battle-front in Vietnam?
What choices do we have if we are to end the
war?
What are the prospects for peace?
Now, let me begin by describing
the situation I found when I was inaugurated on January 20.
-The war had been going on for 4 years.
-31,000 Americans had been killed in action.
-The training program for the South Vietnamese was behind schedule.
-540,000 Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number.
-No
progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had
not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.
-The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friends as well as our enemies
abroad. In view of these circumstances there were some who urged that I end
the war at once by ordering the immediate withdrawal of all American forces.
From a political standpoint this would have been a popular and easy course to
follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in
office. I could blame the defeat which would be the result of my action on him
and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: This was the
only way to avoid allowing Johnson's war to become Nixon's war.
But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my administration and of
the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next
generation and on the future of peace and freedom in America and in the
world.
Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some
Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at
issue is not whether Johnson's war becomes Nixon's war.
The great question is: How can we win America's peace?...
…The defense of freedom is everybody's business not just
America's business. And it is particularly the responsibility of the people
whose freedom is threatened. In the previous administration, we Americanized the
war in Vietnam. In this administration, we are Vietnamizing the search for
peace.
The policy of the previous administration not only resulted in our
assuming the primary responsibility for fighting the war, but even more
significantly did not adequately stress the goal of strengthening the South
Vietnamese so that they could defend themselves when we left.
The Vietnamization plan was launched following Secretary Laird's visit to Vietnam in
March. Under the plan, I ordered first a substantial increase in the training
and equipment of South Vietnamese forces.
-After 5 years of Americans going into Vietnam, we are finally bringing men home. By December 15, over 60,000 men
will have been withdrawn from South Vietnam including 20 percent of all of our
combat forces.
-The South Vietnamese have continued to gain in strength. As a
result they have been able to take over combat responsibilities from our
American troops….
…Or we can persist in our search for a just peace through a
negotiated settlement if possible, or through continued implementation of our
plan for Vietnamization if necessary a plan in which we will withdraw all our
forces from Vietnam on a schedule in accordance with our program, as the South
Vietnamese become strong enough to defend their own freedom.
I have chosen this second course.
It is not the easy way.It is the right way.
It is a plan which will end the war and serve the cause of peace not just in
Vietnam but in the Pacific and in the world.
In speaking of the consequences of a precipitate withdrawal, I mentioned that our allies would lose
confidence in America. Far more dangerous, we would lose confidence in
ourselves. Oh, the immediate reaction would be a sense of relief that our men
were coming home. But as we saw the consequences of what we had done, inevitable
remorse and divisive recrimination would scar our spirit as a people.
We have faced other crises in our history and have become stronger by rejecting the
easy way out and taking the right way in meeting our challenges. Our greatness
as a nation has been our capacity to do what had to be done when we knew our
course was right.
I recognize that some of my fellow citizens disagree with
the plan for peace I have chosen. Honest and patriotic Americans have reached
different conclusions as to how peace should be achieved.
In San Francisco a few weeks ago, I saw demonstrators carrying signs reading: "Lose in Vietnam,
bring the boys home."Well, one of the strengths of our free society is that
any American has a right to reach that conclusion and to advocate that point of
view. But as President of the United States, I would be untrue to my oath of
office if I allowed the policy of this Nation to be dictated by the minority who
hold that point of view and who try to impose it on the Nation by mounting
demonstrations in the street.
For almost 200 years, the policy of this
Nation has been made under our Constitution by those leaders in the Congress and
the White House elected by all of the people. If a vocal minority, however
fervent its cause, prevails over reason and the will of the majority, this
Nation has no future as a free society.
And now I would like to address a
word, if I may, to the young people of this Nation who are particularly
concerned, and I understand why they are concerned, about this war.
I respect your idealism.
I share your concern for peace.
I want peace as much as you do.
There are powerful personal reasons I want to end this war.
This week I will have to sign 83 letters to mothers, fathers, wives, and loved
ones of men who have given their lives for America in Vietnam. It is very little
satisfaction to me that this is only one-third as many letters as I signed the
first week in office. There is nothing I want more than to see the day come when
I do not have to write any of those letters.
-I want to end the war to save the lives of those brave young men in Vietnam. -But I want to end it in a way
which will increase the chance that their younger brothers and their sons will not have to fight in some future Vietnam someplace in the world.
-And I want to end the war for another reason. I want to end it so that the energy and
dedication of you, our young people, now too often directed into bitter hatred
against those responsible for the war, can be turned to the great challenges of
peace, a better life for all Americans, a better life for all people on this
earth.
I have chosen a plan for peace. I believe it will succeed.
If it does succeed, what the critics say now won't matter. If it does not succeed,
anything I say then won't matter. I know it may not be fashionable to speak
of patriotism or national destiny these days. But I feel it is appropriate to do
so on this occasion. Two hundred years ago this Nation was weak and poor. But
even then, America was the hope of millions in the world. Today we have become
the strongest and richest nation in the world. And the wheel of destiny has
turned so that any hope the world has for the survival of peace and freedom will
be determined by whether the American people have the moral stamina and the
courage to meet the challenge of free world leadership....
SOURCE: Richard Nixon: "Address to the Nation on the War in Vietnam", November 3, 1969. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project.
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=2303.
Document Based Questions
1. What is this document?
2. Who was the audience for the document?
3. When was it produced?
4. How do we know that this was created to address a major policy issue that impacted America
at the time?
5. What options did the President have to choose between when choosing the course of the war?
6. What was the strategy that he chose to follow in pursuing the war in Vietnam?
7. Do you think that he had doubts about the way the war had been fought up until this speech or the was worried about the outcome of the war?
8. How does this policy translate into what has happened with the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq?
November 3, 1969
Good evening, my fellow Americans:
Tonight I want to talk to you on a subject of deep concern to all Americans and to many people in all parts of the world the war in Vietnam.
I believe that one of the reasons for the deep division about Vietnam is that many Americans have lost confidence in what their Government has told them about our policy. The American people cannot and should not be asked to support a policy which involves the overriding issues of war and peace unless
they know the truth about that policy.
Tonight, therefore, I would like to
answer some of the questions that I know are on the minds of many of you
listening to me.
How and why did America get involved in Vietnam in the
first place?
How has this administration changed the policy of the previous
administration?
What has really happened in the negotiations in Paris and on
the battle-front in Vietnam?
What choices do we have if we are to end the
war?
What are the prospects for peace?
Now, let me begin by describing
the situation I found when I was inaugurated on January 20.
-The war had been going on for 4 years.
-31,000 Americans had been killed in action.
-The training program for the South Vietnamese was behind schedule.
-540,000 Americans were in Vietnam with no plans to reduce the number.
-No
progress had been made at the negotiations in Paris and the United States had
not put forth a comprehensive peace proposal.
-The war was causing deep division at home and criticism from many of our friends as well as our enemies
abroad. In view of these circumstances there were some who urged that I end
the war at once by ordering the immediate withdrawal of all American forces.
From a political standpoint this would have been a popular and easy course to
follow. After all, we became involved in the war while my predecessor was in
office. I could blame the defeat which would be the result of my action on him
and come out as the peacemaker. Some put it to me quite bluntly: This was the
only way to avoid allowing Johnson's war to become Nixon's war.
But I had a greater obligation than to think only of the years of my administration and of
the next election. I had to think of the effect of my decision on the next
generation and on the future of peace and freedom in America and in the
world.
Let us all understand that the question before us is not whether some
Americans are for peace and some Americans are against peace. The question at
issue is not whether Johnson's war becomes Nixon's war.
The great question is: How can we win America's peace?...
…The defense of freedom is everybody's business not just
America's business. And it is particularly the responsibility of the people
whose freedom is threatened. In the previous administration, we Americanized the
war in Vietnam. In this administration, we are Vietnamizing the search for
peace.
The policy of the previous administration not only resulted in our
assuming the primary responsibility for fighting the war, but even more
significantly did not adequately stress the goal of strengthening the South
Vietnamese so that they could defend themselves when we left.
The Vietnamization plan was launched following Secretary Laird's visit to Vietnam in
March. Under the plan, I ordered first a substantial increase in the training
and equipment of South Vietnamese forces.
-After 5 years of Americans going into Vietnam, we are finally bringing men home. By December 15, over 60,000 men
will have been withdrawn from South Vietnam including 20 percent of all of our
combat forces.
-The South Vietnamese have continued to gain in strength. As a
result they have been able to take over combat responsibilities from our
American troops….
…Or we can persist in our search for a just peace through a
negotiated settlement if possible, or through continued implementation of our
plan for Vietnamization if necessary a plan in which we will withdraw all our
forces from Vietnam on a schedule in accordance with our program, as the South
Vietnamese become strong enough to defend their own freedom.
I have chosen this second course.
It is not the easy way.It is the right way.
It is a plan which will end the war and serve the cause of peace not just in
Vietnam but in the Pacific and in the world.
In speaking of the consequences of a precipitate withdrawal, I mentioned that our allies would lose
confidence in America. Far more dangerous, we would lose confidence in
ourselves. Oh, the immediate reaction would be a sense of relief that our men
were coming home. But as we saw the consequences of what we had done, inevitable
remorse and divisive recrimination would scar our spirit as a people.
We have faced other crises in our history and have become stronger by rejecting the
easy way out and taking the right way in meeting our challenges. Our greatness
as a nation has been our capacity to do what had to be done when we knew our
course was right.
I recognize that some of my fellow citizens disagree with
the plan for peace I have chosen. Honest and patriotic Americans have reached
different conclusions as to how peace should be achieved.
In San Francisco a few weeks ago, I saw demonstrators carrying signs reading: "Lose in Vietnam,
bring the boys home."Well, one of the strengths of our free society is that
any American has a right to reach that conclusion and to advocate that point of
view. But as President of the United States, I would be untrue to my oath of
office if I allowed the policy of this Nation to be dictated by the minority who
hold that point of view and who try to impose it on the Nation by mounting
demonstrations in the street.
For almost 200 years, the policy of this
Nation has been made under our Constitution by those leaders in the Congress and
the White House elected by all of the people. If a vocal minority, however
fervent its cause, prevails over reason and the will of the majority, this
Nation has no future as a free society.
And now I would like to address a
word, if I may, to the young people of this Nation who are particularly
concerned, and I understand why they are concerned, about this war.
I respect your idealism.
I share your concern for peace.
I want peace as much as you do.
There are powerful personal reasons I want to end this war.
This week I will have to sign 83 letters to mothers, fathers, wives, and loved
ones of men who have given their lives for America in Vietnam. It is very little
satisfaction to me that this is only one-third as many letters as I signed the
first week in office. There is nothing I want more than to see the day come when
I do not have to write any of those letters.
-I want to end the war to save the lives of those brave young men in Vietnam. -But I want to end it in a way
which will increase the chance that their younger brothers and their sons will not have to fight in some future Vietnam someplace in the world.
-And I want to end the war for another reason. I want to end it so that the energy and
dedication of you, our young people, now too often directed into bitter hatred
against those responsible for the war, can be turned to the great challenges of
peace, a better life for all Americans, a better life for all people on this
earth.
I have chosen a plan for peace. I believe it will succeed.
If it does succeed, what the critics say now won't matter. If it does not succeed,
anything I say then won't matter. I know it may not be fashionable to speak
of patriotism or national destiny these days. But I feel it is appropriate to do
so on this occasion. Two hundred years ago this Nation was weak and poor. But
even then, America was the hope of millions in the world. Today we have become
the strongest and richest nation in the world. And the wheel of destiny has
turned so that any hope the world has for the survival of peace and freedom will
be determined by whether the American people have the moral stamina and the
courage to meet the challenge of free world leadership....
SOURCE: Richard Nixon: "Address to the Nation on the War in Vietnam", November 3, 1969. Online by Gerhard Peters and John T. Woolley, The American Presidency Project.
http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/?pid=2303.
Document Based Questions
1. What is this document?
2. Who was the audience for the document?
3. When was it produced?
4. How do we know that this was created to address a major policy issue that impacted America
at the time?
5. What options did the President have to choose between when choosing the course of the war?
6. What was the strategy that he chose to follow in pursuing the war in Vietnam?
7. Do you think that he had doubts about the way the war had been fought up until this speech or the was worried about the outcome of the war?
8. How does this policy translate into what has happened with the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq?